By Myron J. Aronoff, Jan Kubik
What can anthropology and political technology study from one another? The authors argue that collaboration, rather within the region of innovations and methodologies, is drastically necessary for either disciplines, although additionally they take care of a few troubling features of the connection. targeting the impact of anthropology on political technology, the ebook examines the fundamental assumptions the practitioners of every self-discipline make concerning the nature of social and political fact, compares many of the key recommendations each one box employs, and offers an in depth evaluation of the elemental equipment of analysis that "bridge" either disciplines: ethnography and case examine. via ethnography (participant observation), reliance on prolonged case experiences, and using "anthropological" recommendations and sensibilities, a better knowing of a few of the main not easy problems with the day could be received. for instance, political anthropology demanding situations the appearance of the "autonomy of the political" assumed through political technology to symbolize so-called "modern" societies. a number of chapters comprise a cross-disciplinary research of key options and matters: political tradition, political ritual, the politics of collective identification, democratization in divided societies, clash solution, civil society, and the politics of post-Communist ameliorations.
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Additional resources for Anthropology and Political Science: A Convergent Approach
18 Still, others would perhaps begin the respective stories in the nineteenth century and link the birth of both disciplines with the ascent of modernity. In this version, both claim the same lineage of legendary forefathers: Herbert Spencer, Auguste Comte, Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber, to name just a few. In a book on the masters of anthropological thought, Andrzej Paluch writes: “Social anthropology— as well as many other humanistic disciplines, among them linguistics, psychology and sociology—is the legacy of the development of the European thought during the nineteenth century” (1990: 11).
24. See, for example, Cohen and Toland 1988, Skalnik 1989, and Claessen and van de Velde 1991. For an important earlier work see Fried 1967. 25. We discuss in chapter 3 important exceptions to this generalization. 1 It depends on the aim of the research project, the specific ontological assumptions about social/political reality, and the particular conception of ethnography. Since it is impossible to consider all possibilities in a chapter, we delimit the scope of these remarks to two problématiques that are central to the comparativist enterprise, both in comparative politics and in anthropology: the significance of the cultural aspect of social reality and the consequences of the recent turn from macro- to microlevels of analysis in political science (Elster 1985; Geddes 2003; Kalyvas 2006; Weinstein 2007).
Anthropologists have also become highly self-aware and self-critical of the distortions and limitations of the knowledge they produce that results directly from the nature of the medium through which this knowledge is conventionally conveyed: a genre of “ethnographic narrative” (Clifford 1988; Clifford & Marcus 1986; Marcus 1998; Marcus and Fischer 1999). Interestingly, this heightened awareness of the problems related to the specific disciplinary genres or styles of writing has also led to a thorough self-examination of the narratives produced in sociology (see, for example, Seidman & Alexander 2001) and history (White 1978).