Download In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio (2nd by Philippe Bourgois PDF

By Philippe Bourgois

Looking for admire, Philippe Bourgois's now-classic, ethnographic learn of social marginalization in inner-city the USA, gained serious acclaim after it was once first released in 1995 and in 1997 was once provided the Margaret Mead Award. For the 1st time, an anthropologist had controlled to realize the belief and long term friendship of street-level drug buyers in a single of the roughest ghetto neighborhoods within the usa - East Harlem. This re-creation provides a prologue describing the key dynamics in the US that experience altered existence at the streets of East Harlem within the six years because the first version. Bourgois, in a brand new epilogue, brings brand new the tales of the folks - Primo, Caesar, Luis, Tony, sweet - who readers come to grasp during this outstanding window onto the realm of the inner-city drug alternate.

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Additional resources for In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio (2nd Edition)

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Sociocultural anthropology may have rejected a scientistic variant of positivism, but it retains, even augments, a more immediate form, one that purports that all empirical phenomena are amenable to observation and description. What else, after all, is the demand to eschew false generalizations in the interest of more accurate representations of complexity? (Bunzl 2008: 55) Bunzl goes on to quote from a story by Jorge Luis Borges – a parable about the ambition of exact representation: On Exactitude in Science “In that Empire, the Art of Cartography attained such Perfection that the map of a single Province occupied the entirety of a city, and the map of the Empire, the entirety of a Province.

In the latter work, Marcus and Fischer discussed how the classical aim of the ethnographic monograph – “to provide a full picture of a closely observed way of life” (1986: 22) – had to be critically revised in a world that was now understood as being globally connected and where new forms of cooperation were emerging. Their solution to this problem was to foreground a function that anthropology in their view had always had – at least as a potential – namely, to formulate a critique of the anthropologists’ own cultural background on the basis of and in contrast to the analysis of the cultural ideas and practices they studied.

The study of globalization is associated with the temporality of emergence or the contemporary as the study of change in a dynamic present that exists at the intersection of the recent past and the near future (see Rabinow 2008). Thus, the holism that enframes ethnographic research into particulars is only partly known, contingent, an open system, at best. Ethnographic research produces arguments that are speculative in the most responsible sense, are experimental in the ethos of science,7 and thrive as both complicating and clarifying supplements or challenges to other knowledges studied in fieldwork and/or as part of the interdisciplinary ecology in which they are produced (this discursive space as object and reception of ethnography is potentially radicalized by the potentials of Internet communication, and is where the problem of holism in anthropology shifts – a preview of the Epilogue).

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