By Gabriel Sheffer, Oren Barak
Because the institution of the kingdom of Israel in 1948, and especially after the Israeli-Arab struggle of 1967, a hugely casual yet concurrently powerful protection community has prompted Israel's household sphere. Composed of appearing and previous protection team of workers and their companions within the state's numerous civilian spheres, this protection community has affected Israeli tradition, politics, society, financial system, public discourse, and overseas family. This publication discusses this significant sociopolitical phenomenon and its results in a comparative and theoretical point of view. First, it defines Israel's safeguard community in a huge theoretical and comparative point of view. moment, it explains how Israel's safeguard community emerged and bought a hegemonic place within the quarter of nationwide safeguard and international coverage. 3rd, it describes the safety community and identifies its contributors. Fourth, it discusses and explains the multitude of roles that Israel's defense community has come to play either regionally and externally. 5th, it discusses comparable phenomena in different correct circumstances. ultimately, it provides basic analytical and theoretical conclusions.
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Additional info for Israel's Security Networks: A Theoretical and Comparative Perspective
The politicians in the Yishuv, who respected the professional capabilities of these individuals, encouraged this trend. This marked the beginning of the professionalization of the command of the security sector of the Yishuv, which was purportedly nonpolitical but that reflected the politicians’ goal of weakening the politically connected militias and establishing an army for the Jewish State (Cohen 2002). Second, there was a significant increase in manpower, material resources, and purchase of weapon systems and equipment for the Jewish militias, and hence also a significant increase in budgetary allocations.
An important milestone in this process occurred in 1953, when, following the recommendation of the IDF, the Israeli government, under Prime Writing in 1972, Michael Brecher spoke of “the hegemony of the ‘Security Complex’” among Israel’s elite, “which pervades all foreign policy decisions of substance, even when ‘security’ is marginal or irrelevant to the issue” (Brecher 1972: 564; see also Freilich 2006: 637). 8 “Protocol of Meeting of the Temporary Government,” November 21, 1948, Israel State Archives.
Importantly, some members of the security network such as Major Generals Israel Tal and Ariel Sharon were opposed to the Bar-Lev Line. During the 1973 War, as well, Israeli military commanders, once again especially Ariel Sharon, who was called for reserve duty, disregarded orders coming from Israel’s civilian leaders, particularly concerning the launching of an offensive over the Suez Canal with the purpose of carrying the war to its western bank (Bergman and Meltzer 2003: 221–85). Although the IDF suffered a major blow in the 1973 War, when Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack against it, and despite the fact that the Agranat Commission, appointed by the Israeli government to investigate the military fiasco after an unprecedented public uproar, limited its recommendations to Israel’s military commanders, the security network did not lose its dominant position in the area of Israel’s national security.