Download Issues in Formal German(ic) Typology by Werner Abraham, C. Jan-Wouter Zwart PDF

By Werner Abraham, C. Jan-Wouter Zwart

This ebook takes up numerous normal syntactic issues, which both yield diverse options in German, specifically, or which result in diversified conclusions for idea formation. one of many major themes is the truth that languages that permit for huge scrambling among the 2 verbal poles, V-2 and V-last, have to combine discourse services like thema and rhema into the grammatical description. this is often tried, by way of Minimalism, therefore extending the practical area. distinctive recognition is given to the asymmetrical scrambling habit of indefinites vs. definites and their semantic interpretation. similar themes are: Transitive expletive sentences, sorts of existential sentences with both BE or HAVE, the that-trace phenomenon and its semantics, unfavourable polarity goods, ellipsis and gapping, passivization, double negation ― all of that have wide results either on distributional habit and semantic disambiguation, attaining a ways past results observable in English with its inflexible, ‘un-scrambable’ note order.

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Second, contrary to Dutch (Zwart 1993) or West Flemish (Haegeman 1996) languages like German (or Afrikaans) lack a distinctive paradigm to distinguish weak and strong pronouns morphologically (see also Lenerz 1993, 1994). Given this, any assumed categorial distinction between weak and strong pronouns must be based on stressability conditions purely, a prosodic correlate that cannot self-evidently be taken to indicate new categorial membership (contrary to Cardinaletti & Starke 1995 and others).

Of course, there is much more to D-linking than only anaphoricity or accesibility of discourse referents. An element can also be D-linked even if it is not an antecedent in the strict sense of the word, but identified by its common noun set (see Pesetsky 1987). Moreover, pragmatic accomodation (see Stalnaker 1973) makes possible that the utterance of the speaker itself creates the pressuposition structure needed for D-linking. That is a Dlinked element does not necessarily have to be mentioned in any way in the previous context (cf.

Dat ek die man gister  het (28) a. In (28a, b and c) the object moves out of VP in order to eliminate its antifocus feature in the Spec–position of the functional projection which the AFfeature is head of. In this scenario, the functional domain of the AFprojection corresponds to Abraham’s thematic domain, while the rhematic domain is VP where all lexical material is base-generated. The functional domain will attract elements associated with the AF-feature to leave their base positions for purposes of feature checking.

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