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By Professor Adam Tickell, Eric Sheppard, Professor Jamie A Peck, Trevor Barnes

This can be the 1st sustained dialogue of methodological concerns in financial geography within the final two decades. It contains a longer dialogue of qualitative and ethnographic equipment; an evaluation of quantitative and numerical equipment; an exam of post-structuralist and feminist methodologies; an outline of case-study methods; and an inquiry into the relation among financial geography and different disciplines. With brief, available, and interesting chapters, this can be a serious overview of qualitative and quantitative equipment in monetary geography.

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One was living in a department with environmental engineers who were never going to see the value of geography if it didn’t speak directly (and very slowly and distinctly) to them. This effect was amplified by my growing impression that the engineering students as opposed to the faculty were, in fact, very interested in what geography had to offer. So I wanted to reorient my teaching in a way that was more helpful for them. Another factor, of course, was living in a department with Reds Wolman, who is an enthusiastic and inventive interdisciplinarian and who truly is committed to advancing work that explains how we humans are connected to the natural environment and what that means.

In my ontological universe, it is necessary to understand whose power is at issue and why – given whose it is – it wants what it wants. I want the mediation of class and social position, which I find much more clearly and productively articulated in Bourdieu. Further, the reified power of Foucault seeks knowledge in order to discipline people ‘in general’ and in so doing stabilize the social order. I want also to understand something about how social position and power relate to knowledge of self and the ability to productively use knowledge in general.

Apparently, we cannot yet erect the memorials to this particular pathology. I want to make two observations about this problem of power and knowledge. The first is that it took a while for it to enter explicitly into my research. For a good ten years I was wholly absorbed in the problem of how and why firms sought to be competitive and to maximize profits through locating in high-cost, highly unionized, and highly regulated places. This lack of attention was perhaps conditioned by my training in both conventional economics and political economy.

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