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63 This suggests that people with a non-rural background were introduced from outside to lead a significant number of cells. On arrival at their cells, the new secretaries would take up employment either in some form of rural administration or co-operative or work in the agricultural household of 20 The Soviet Rural Communist Party, 1927-39 relatives who had remained on the land; this explains why the number of workers by occupation was quite low. 6 per cent. 64 This testifies to how the rural party lagged behind its urban counterpart.

8 Comparatively the purge fell most heavily on the rural party. The purge of the whole party resulted in 170 000 expulsions, about ll per cent of the current membership, which after subsequent rehabilitations reduced these figures to 133 000 (8 per cent). 9 Only 8 per cent of the membership of industrial cells was removed and l 0 per cent of non-production cells in administration and education, but the equivalent figure in rural cells was 16 per cent. H. 11 This probably included many who had joined the party in the years of 'High NEP' .

C. plenum resolution. In the composition of the rural organisations, the specific weight of the proletarian elements still remains absolutely minute, and the number of kolkhoz members is negligible. In certain cases, they are found to include a considerable proportion of well-to-do peasants, and sometimes also elements which have drawn near to the kulaks, degenerated and become completely alien to the working class. 58 The question of social differentiation within the rural party did not remain a matter of socio-economics; with the political conflict in the higher echelons of the party in 1928 and the related grain crisis, it soon became couched in political overtones.

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