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By Richard Ben Cramer

A masterpiece of political reportage that exposes the emotional truth of the fashionable American crusade process Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Richard Ben Cramer cracks open the guts of the yank political approach during this vintage exploration of the 1988 presidential crusade. Cramer delves into the non-public, intimate lives of the foremost applicants, together with George H. W. Bush, Bob Dole, Joe Biden, and Michael Dukakis, as he seeks to appreciate the drives, passions, egos, and failings that rework anyone right into a president. Exhaustively researched from hundreds of thousands of hours of interviews, What It Takes creates strong images of the boys who will be president, and the way the crusade for the top workplace transforms them.

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19. Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (Boston, 1958); Alan Simpson, Puritanism in Old and New England (Chicago, 1955); Michael McGiffert, "American Puritan Studies in the 1960s," William and Mary Quarterly, XXVII (1970). Page 9 elsewhere was qualified by fears of the unsettled interior and of losing the protection and the favors in land distribution and legal tenure that the charter authorized only the colony government to dispense. "Out there" were death and disease, Indian capture and torture, the devil unchecked by Christian order and free to roam and tempt, uncleared lands and an unprecedented isolation of souls without society, church, and law.

Other leaders at Providence, Baltimore, and Philadelphia were to emigrate for quite different religious ideals than had the divines of Massachusetts Bay. All may have rejected the official Anglican order of priests and rich liturgy, but far from minimizing the state or deprecating order, they looked to governments of their own that would uphold a true reformed faith and create a proper social discipline. Only the few anabaptists or a "seeker" like Roger Williams thought that true Christianity precluded any state intervention in faith and worship, provided that all sects kept the peace.

With Machiavelli, not God's but man's will, not securing justice but manipulating power, had emerged from Christian shame as admissible premises for politics. If beyond The Prince there was another Machiavelli, the advocate of a virtuous republicanism,3 that influence remained far more limited than his portrait as the evil one, teaching that lies, fear, and cruelty were to be judged only for their effectiveness in keeping power and enhancing control by the ruler of the state. In 1600, of course, the idea of "the state" had a lineage far older than the teaching of Machiavelli, and its meaning had changed over the centuries.

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